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f he A ^evolutionary Age 

Vol. I, No. 13 

THE oncoming proletarian revolution in Germany 
is acquiring a larger consciousness and power 
Every day, every hour, increases the energy 
of the revolutionary masses,, their understanding f 
tbe problems of the Revolution and the necessary tac 
tics of class action. Every victory of the counter- 
revolution and of the petty bourgeois democrats of 
majority Socialism is a Pyrrhic victory, out of which 
emerges, gigantic and implacable, the developing pow- 
er of revolutionary Socialism. The problems are 
enormous, the opposition powerful ; ttut the struggle 
proceeds. The proletariat is snapping asunder the 
fetters of petty bourgeois democracy and pettv bour- 
geois Socialism; it is, out of life itself, acquiring the 
energy and the means for the revolutionary struggle 
against Capitalism and the petty bourgeois democ- 
racy,-^ struggle that uncompromisingly directs 
itself to the definite conquest of power,— the revolu- 
tionary dictatorship of the proletariat. 

The National Congress of Councils accepted reac- 
tion; it rejected the struggle for power, for the dic- 
tatorship of the proletariate it abandoned the prole- 
tarian class struggle in favor of petty bourgeois il- 
lusions, conciliation with Capitalism, and the parlia- 
mentary struggle for reforms! All this is implicit in 
the refusal of the Congress to decree all power to the 
^oviets and its abiect acceptance of the Constituent 
Assembly. It the revolutionary masses had acquiesced 
in this decision, the German Revolution, which may 
^t loose the impulse for the international proletari- 
an revolution, would have degenerated into a bour- 
geois revolution, with "Socialist" trimmings, would 
have yielded power to "liberal" Capitalism, would 
nave thrust upon the proletariat and Socialism the 
beggars task of "parliamentary opposition." Ac- 
ceptance of the decision of the Congress would have 
meant the abandonment of Socialism, the abandon- 
ment of the proletarian revolution in Germany, the 
etrayal of the proletarian revolution m Russia and 
"the revolutionary struggle in all nations. 
^ ant the miserable decision of the congress was not 
iTXh <l u y tHe revolutionar y masses. Simultaneous- 
. with the congress deciding to become the apologist 
" protect °r of the pettv bourgeois "Socialist" coun- 
r-revohition (behind which skulks Imperialism), 
e revolutionary masses opened a new stage of the 
evomt,on— the stage in which the issue is definite 
j 3nesca Pable: Socialism or Capitalism— the stage 
LZu COmpromise ' ^"ally with Capitalism and 
„ b 1 ° Ur ^ eois Socialism, must, will be, and is being, 
sa vagel y rejected. 

iJ 3 ? neW Stage 0f the Re volution opens with forces 
'pendencies clearly and sharply defined: 

'. vei>ts have demonstrated, what was appar- 
Go m anaI vsis, that the policy of the Ebert-Haase 
ilisr^^ WaS deternlined h y the "majority" So- 
de pe S n j and not bv the Independents; that the In- 
of tI^ e " tS WGre sim P Iv sevens against the action 
force I ni '! ,SSeS ' ^ nis * s now cIear m the virtually 

Gnv/ Wllhdr awal of the Independents from the 


musT Governmen t of Ebert, Scheidemann & Co. 
and fCSOrt t0 tl,e Use of the most s ' nisl:er elements 
preve ^ rcactionar >' means to preserve itself and 
proier* 6 C ° nquest of power by the revolutionary 

^thlc^ ExeciltIve Committee (Central Council) 
united ^° UnciIs of Workmen and Soldiers is solidly 
coiuite Vltil ,l5C Government, with the "Socialist" 
''-revolution, providing Ebert Scheidemann * 

The New Stage Opens 

Price 3 Cents 

Central Council-local councils are usurping govern- 
or, t function, .regulating industry, developing on. 
shi o of H aCt ? ty and meaSUreS that ^e dicltor-" 
•legahze" Pr ° 1?tanat WOuId or ^ n ^ unify, and 

n Jl7 Th ,r f eTt ~ Scheideman " Government is now 
openly ^ allied with the bourgeoisie, and tacitly allied 
with the Imperialism of the Allies it depends upon 
the counter-revolutionary generals, whom it retains in 
power, upon the old diplomats whom it refuses to dis- 
miss, upon the Allies to whom it pleads : depends upon 
any and all things except Socialism and the revolu- 
tionary proletarian struggle. But the Government is 

6— The withdrawal of the Independents from the 
Government i s not a victory for the Independents- 
while it is a victory for the "majority" Socialists, it 
i? equally a victory for the Spartacans, since the 
conscious and vital elements among the Independents 
must accept now the Spartacus policy. It is, more- 
over, a victory for the Spartacans in another sense, 
that it impresses upon the masses the futility of the 
policy of hesitation and compromise, that they must 
march straight to the revolutionary conquest of power. 
7-— The international aspects of the Revolution are 
being more clearly recognized by the German prole- 
tariat as one National phase of the Social Revolution. 
An alliance with proletarian Russia is becoming a 
fact— Haase's miserable juggling with the Bolsheviki 
issue has discredited Haase, and not the Bolsheviki. 
The Sparatacus Group has organized nationally as 
the Communist Labor Party, in conformity with the 
(Bolsheviki) Communist Party of Russia. 

8. — All problems of the Revolution are becoming 
aspects of one problem — the necessity for the con- 
quest of power, of the dictatorship of the proletariat, 
as the dynamic means equally for the struggle against 
the counter-revolution and Imperialism in Germany, 
against international Imperialism, for the realization 
of a Socialist peace, and for the coming of Social- 


The reactionary forces in Germany, imagining that 
"representatives" decide events in revolutions, mis- 
judged the importance of the National Congress of 
Councils, as did the bourgeois-"Socialist" Government. 
But the reactionary decisions of the Congress did not 
halt the elemental action of the masses: they acceler- 
ated this action. A few days after the Congress ad- 
journed, Dr. Solf issued a desperate appeal to the 
Allies : 

"The Allies must forget that Germany is their 
enemy. We must unite in the one great purpose of 
saving /the world from the dreadful consequences of 
Bolshevism. . . . The north German revolution is 
adopting the methods and shows the influence of the 
Russian Bolsheviki. The scenes we see every day in 
Berlin, Hamburg, Dresden and the industrial centers 
of Westphalia and the Rhincland find their analogy in 
Moscow and Petrograd. Personally I believe Bolshe- 
vism is not only the greatest menace now confronting- 
Germany and Russia, but it is equally menacing to all 
adjacent countries. And once Bolshevism has de- 
veloped power fn Germany, it will spread all over the 

world, like the most contagious of diseases. It must 
be the a.m and duty of all the Powers to fight this 

universal enemy I am sure that Bolshevism has 

prepared its groundwork in France and Italy, the same 
as it has in Finland and Lithuania." 

Having secured a mandate from the reactionary 
Congress of Councils, the Ebert Government prepared 
to disarm the Revolution. Its policy is to retain iv 
the service "loyal" and reactionary troops, while dis- 
arming those who favor new and'definitely proletarian 
action. The events that opened the new stage of the 
Revolution developed out of the decision of the Mili- 
tary Commander of Berlin, Otto Wels, to disband 
the majority of the 2,000 revolutionary sailors in Ber- 
lin— men who initiated the revolution at Kiel and 
who are active in the new -revolutionary movement. 
Ihe sailors refused to disarm and leave Berlin A 
controversy starterd. On Monday, December 2 3, a 
delegation of sailors marched to the headquarters 
■f Wels, in Unter den Linden, to protest against his 
counter-revolutionary order. Wels thereupon, as if 
prepared, summoned the "Republican Guard," which 
opened fire upon the sailors with machine guns. Th*' 
sailors, incensed at this method of answering their 
protest, immediately met the attack by an attack of 
their own upon the headquarters and made Wels a 
prisoner. Another detachment of sailors thereupon 
marched to the Chancellor's Palace, to interpellate the 
Cabinet of Six. Premier Ebert ordered the counter- 
revolutionary Potsdam Guard to march against the 
sailors. In the meantime, a large number of armed 
civilians joined the sailors, who had seized and bar- 
ricaded the Royal Castle and the adjoining stables 
prepared to resist; while other groups occupied the 
Konmgstrasse. These events developed into a dem- 
onstration against the Ebert-Haase Government, with 
a demand that a new government should be organized 
by Karl Liebknecht and George Ledebour- Ledebour 
having definitely aligned himself with Liebknecht 
Another group of Spartacans invaded the offices of 
the majority Socialist organ, Vorwaerts, and issued a 
Red Vorwaeris stigmatizing the majority organ as 
a lying dog" and "a reptile whose poisonous teeth 
are now about to be pulled," and demanding the re- 
tirement of Ebert, Scheidemann & Co. 

Street fighting on a large scale developed on Tues- 
day, armed civilians uniting with the sailors. Ebert 
Scheidemann and Landsberg subsequently admitted 
that they ordered the summoning of troops, under 
General Lequis, to march against the sailors, who 
were attacked with machine guns and artillery The 
•'Republican Guard" several times attacked the Castle 
and stables, but were repulsed by the sailors. The 
Alexander and Franzer regiments joined the sailors 
and the whole Berlin garrison was sympathetic. The 
Government, however, called in other troops and man- 
aged to secure control. General Lequis declared that 
the Government had given him orders to fire upon the 
sailors, and he acted accordingly. The troops under 
Gen. Lequis had been sent to Berlin from the Western 
I- rout by Field-Marshal von Hindenburg, in response 
to an appeal from the Govemment.-of the Socialist 
Republic! Socialism and Hindenburo-t 

The events of the first part of fast week pre^ 
capitated a ministerial crisis. The Independents in 
the Government. Haase. Dittmann and Barth, refused 
to accent responsibility for Ebert's order to fire upon 
he sailers. Ebert & Co. thereupon decided to appeal 
to the recently elected Executive Committee (Cen- 
tral Council) of the Workmen's and Soldiers* Cotin- 
Contittued on page y 


Satarday, January H, 1919 

The Revolutionary Age 

A Chronicle and Interpretation of Events in Europe. 

Louis C. Editor 

EADKOirN MacAlpine , .ylwociate Editor 

Contributing Editors 
tt Xearinc Ludwig Lore 

John Reed Sen Katayama 

N. I. Housv/ich G. Weinstein 

By Local Boston, Socialist Party 

H, G. Sterner, Business Manager 
885 Washington St., Boston, Mass. 

Bundle orders 2c a cofhf, Subscription $t.go for 

Saturday, January n, 19104 

ouis C Fraina, editor of The Revolutionary Aye, 
; present in Essex County jail, Newark, N. J. serv- 
a thirtv day sentence which was imposed for a 
ch made at a meeting of Conscientious Objectors 
sew York during -the first months of trie war, 

aina appealed the case and on the decision going 
nst him he presented himself for sentence on 
Tuesday. E. Ralph Cheyne, who was chairman 
he meeting, was also sentenced to thirty days and 

at present undergoing sentence. 

They Are Still There! 

SENATOR La FoXtette reopened the matter of the 
American troops at present in Russia operating 
against the B-olsheviki, in a speech in the Senate on 
January 7, which he declared was inspired by the 

vhen the war is over. In the course of his 

ch he declared that "The great organized wealth 

all the countries of the earth fears the principles 

the Soviet government is try in to establish'' 

that "If the Soviet government, of which we 

7£tOOfiOO or r;o,cco,oco Russians desire, that is 

in response I 
enator Swanso 
Committee, expl 

question raised by the speecn 

aking for the Foreign Relations 
that it was expected that Se- 
ticocK woeid make a statement on the Rus- 
situation at an early date and then proceeded to 

ards Imperial Germany. AH the old tales were 

rd that Imperial Germany is no more. But even 

;e date from London announce that Great Britain 

day protest meetings are being held in England, 
France, Italy and throughout America. The central 
organ of the French Socialists, UHumamie, writes 
as follows on the threatened allied military campaign 

"All those who contribute to provoke and pro- 
long the war arc alarmed at the awakening of the 
masses . . . and demand that the centres of the 
people's revolution should be promptly suppres- 
sed. Their anxiety is no longer to conquer the 
enemy, but to preserve from the revolutionary 
peril the capitalist bourgeoisie of all countries. 
They know that the Russian Bolsheviks have 
destroyed monarchic and capitalistic privileges, 
have placed their hands upon the* property of so- 
cial parasites. Anything sooner than that. Their 
hatred of the enemy is giving place to the desire 
of coming to an understanding with him, so as to 
bar the advance of this scourge, which is worse, 
in their eyes, than war or pestilence . . . That a 
new war should be undertaken tomorrow — a war 
waged by the international counter-revolution, a 
crusade against the peoples who are progressing 
towards political and economic enfranchisement 
— this is possible; but surprises await the initiat- 
ors of such an adventure. They will no longer 
be able to plead the necessities of national defense, 
and the necessities of capitalist defense are not 
of a nature to rouse the enthusiasm of the masses. 
On the contrary, the workers will perceive clearly 
that they are being thrown against one another 
only in order that their chains may be riveted, and 
the domination of their masters consolidated." 
But in spite of all these protests the snows' of Nor- 
thern Russia are being dyed with blood. The Soviets 
proclaim that all they wish is for the Allies to with- 
draw so that they may build up their government in 
peace. They disclaim any wish to wage war upon the 
Allied countries. The Allies declare they will not 
send any more troops, but still the fighting continues, 
still the dreary spectre of war haunts the frozen 

The chief reason advanced by the United States 
Government for its participation in intervention in 
Russia was to protect the Czecho-Slovaks. According 
to a dispatch from Vladivostok the Czecho-Slovaks 
rciu-ed on November 24 to take part in an offensive 
against the Soviet Republic, feeling "that the Allies 
had betrayed them" Imperial Germany is destroyed, 
destroyed by the influence of the Bolshevik ideas, 
the Czecho-Slovaks refuse to fight against the So- 
viet Republic. The two chief reasons advanced for 
intervention have disappeared but alien troops are 
still at Archangel and Vladivostok. , . . 

International Socialist Delegates 

7N answer to the call of Camille Huysmans for an 
*■ International Socialist Congress to be convened 
at Lausanne, Switzerland, the National Executive 
Committee of the Socialist Party of America announ- 
ce:- that it has appointed Algernon Fee, James Oneal 
and John M. Work as delegates. The statement pub- 
lished in the New York Call goes on to say that on 
a referettdian vote taken over a year ago, when the 
Stockholm was to be held, Morris Hill- 
quit. Victor Berger and Algernon Lee were elected 
to attend that hodj ?n<\ intimate? that the appoint- 
ment of the three men named as the Lausanne dele- 
gates was governed by the vote cast on the former 


molrn Conference sod the present day nmrii rt 

y affects the Socialist movement of the m 

sappened, and it b a preposterous mppon 

•'■■■-■• *r one set of circumstance- a ma; 

he is 

oice or the 1 

tal Executive Committee advances the 
defense of its action that the tint- £ J 
ngress is go short that k 
the membership. Thfe [[ 
iona: Executive Committee 
;r:ou, branches and locah 
ergencv National Convec- 

The N 

for the opening of the 

has no time to appeal 
merely paltering. The 
has been approached b 

tion in order to give the membership an o~:,ort— ^ 
of expressing their will on all the matters arising 00 
of the present crisis through -which the world is pass 
ing, and particularly to deal with the convocation 
an International Socialist Congress. However thi 
National Executive Committee has not been -V 
to meet since the armistice was signet 
put off meeting time and time again on 
.excuses and when the call came for an International 
Socialist Convention they selected delegates bv tele- 

The constitution of the Socialist Party provides 
for the election of delegates to International Social- 
ist Conventions, it provides several ways in which 
they may be elected, but it does not provide that the 
National Executive Committee shall appoint delegates. 
The appointment of the present men is contrary to 
the constitution, it is arbltary and It is illegal. It 
makes no difference whether the choice is a wise one 
or not, the action is illegal. The Socialist Party has 
insisted that the delegates of the United States gov- 
ernment to the Peace Conference should be appointed 
by a referendum vote of the people but in the appoint- 
ment of Socialist delegates the National Executive 
Committee ignores the membership of the party. 

Algernon Lee, one of the appointees, is the leader 
of the Socialist group in the New York City Board 
of Aldermen and his actions and those of his col- 
leagues in that body have not found favor with a 
considerable section of the membership 01 the party 
in New York. On one occasion 27 branches of New 
York Local voted to censure their actions. 2 advocated 
the withdrawal of the group from the Board of Alder- 
men and only 2 or 3 voted to uphold the actions of 
the Socialist Aldermen. At the present moment mere 
is a movement to withdraw them from the Board. In 
view of these facts Lee's chances of election 
of the delegates to represent the Socialist 1 
America in Europe are at least debatable 
appointment is directly contrary to Socialist practices. 

But before electing delegates the American Social- 
ist Party has first to decide whether or not it will part- 
icipate ja a conference called by Social-patriots or the 
type of Huysmans. According to the press the Bear 
sheviki have refused to participate m the congress 00 
the grounds that it is called by reactionary Sociafists 
and will not be representative of the revolutionary 
vcening triumphantly over Europe. 

Socialism that is 5. 
If the revolutions 
merit repudiate thi 
of the American J 

^h ; t move- 

: C;0Cia 
the members 


must ako refv^e to 
-ith the reactionaries 


in which 
m that will 


reflect th 

-A-ithout a 

the* r not eir 


roufd give them am, claim 
onder altogether different 

ntirelv r. >;■".' nr .V-.-: T, ~, In 

Labor and the New Era 

I pj, jjng .. . ■ _ , of r': ! things '■- 

swept aside and old eonceptkoj of new moves ' 
mast be also swept away. Any change in ti 
rfi' most effect :."i the 

-;:. In Baca • 

Saturday, January 11, 1919 


or p 

1 1 j 





"i re 

is th 


new of trie char ( 

\* hich 

is at pr 




place i 

n society. It the 


fore b 





yless \ 

vurkers to prep; 



ves ths 

i the 

y may 

fulfill t 

heir function. 


rise of 



a new mo\ 

ement The tra 



is a compar 



1C\V w 

tapon, though it 


an old 


i of 



v 010 V< 

merit which is i 


rise of 


in its 


war i 

1 struggle labor, like everv- 

thing t 

lsc, has 




i from 

experience both 


its con 





dees. 1 

Jut the rise of la) 



the workers recognized them it woulu mean the end 
oi the present system of society and so those who 
ueiK-ht in things a* they are attempt to misrq 
l " c tssixt i h< y lit about the progress of the prole- 
tanan '•• ••'■ "■ tl in Russia, represent ail the actions 

oi the Soviet government as destructive, picture Rus- 
sia in a state of chaos. . . . 

VS hen some news about the workers of Russia geu 
through the capitalist press perverts it. One of the 
best evidences of this perversion is supplied in the 
comments of the newspapers and weekly magazines 
on the pamphlet by Nicholas Lenin entitled The So- 
viets at Work, which the Post Office authorities re- 
cently suppressed. In this pamphlet Lenin deals with 
the difficulty experienced by the workers when they 
took over industry owing to the shortage of engineers 
and other highly skilled men. The press immediately 
hailed this as an admission that capitalism was neces- 
sary to the preservation of society. But Lenin did 
not mention the owners of the factories, but the skilled 
employes, the men who under capitalism really direct 

The average worker is in the habit of looking upon 
the engineers, shop experts, executive heads, etc. as 
only recently arrived at complete development and the bosses, the capitalists. In reality these men are 
that hitherto its working class was not a permanent members of the working class although they class 
working class -b«t was interchangeable with the other themselves and think alike with their masters. The 

has been SO 9wi£t that its conquest of power in one 
section finds it still clinging to its old conceptions of 
its functions in other sections of the world. Thus 
we have the workers of Russia and Germany march- 
ing on triumphantly to the conquest of their historic 
mission while in other countries labor is still arguing 
and fighting tor petty concessions. 

In America particularly labor is still in the grip 
of middle class ideas. This is due to a variety of 
causes, that the country is a comparatively a new one, 
that immigration has been so great that the workers 
are split into different factions, that the country has 

Bolshevik] abs 


bv whiU 

» » * 

- , to make P 

be able 
to charo 
the vitals of the working el 

, *, * 

The idea has at lea! r 

as we are living in the era oi democracy, once ttoe 
thing gets under way WC ft*iU, doubtless, be able to 
forsake the refined atmosphere • 
form for, the more democratic boards <d the vaude- 
ville stage when we look for rulers ta th* near fu- 
ture we may expect to see Frank Tinncy. Harry 
Lauder. Bert Williams. Gaby Des1 ekford, 

ot even the inimitable Charlie, put • 

classes. Up until very recently the American worker 
had the chance of amassing wealth constantly before 
his eves, or if he did remain in the ranks of the work- 
er his son might rise to the employing class. This 
stage of American life is already passed, however, 
and a definite working class is established, but it 
still retains its middle class ideas. The skilled worker 
considers himself a property owner insofar as he 
owns his skill but the day of the skilled worker is 
also rapidly passing away. . . . 

As a result of these and similar conditions the trade 

Personally we are of the opinion that any govern- 
ment would find it a very difficult matter to declare 
war on the republic of which Charlie Chaplin was 
president The entire youth of the world would be 
certain to he pro whatever country it happened 

owners of the industries also own the men who en- 
force their dictates and it is one of the tricks of Capi- 
talism that these men are removed from the ranks 
of the workers. 

Take for example the captain of a ship. He is 
necessary to the ship, but no more necessary than is 
a fireman. Under Capitalism the captain is given 

v . . ., Vt i „ij; f i„» been jailed bv Trotzky. The 1 
tremendotis powers and privileges. He holds tne ■ M . ._ 

power of life and death in his hands, he is the arbiter 
of all the affairs of the ship, he and his. officers sleep 
in fine quarters, eat fine food, wear fine clothes while 

The latest sensation from Russi 

union movement has confined itself specifically to t i ie crew are treated like brute beasts. Soviet Russia 
reform programs. It has not, as yet, recognized the ecognizes that the captain of a ship performs a use- 
fact that the mission of the workers of the world is f^l function. He is the navigator and as such he has 
to own and control all they produce and that this n j s <} ut i es t0 perform, part of those duties is to direct 
accomplished they are the rulers of the world. The trie wor ic f the ship but outside of this he has no 
average union man today wants more pay, shorter more authority than any fireman. The administration 
hours? better working conditions. He does not dream of tne sn i p j s carried out by a committee elected by 
of owning the tools of his industry, except in the the who i e s hip. Every member of the crew sleeps, 
same manner as his boss owns them— so that he might crits an d drinks of the best that is available. All are 
exploit his fellows— he does not see that as long as workers, each performs his task and all together they 
someone else owns the means whereby he and his br i ng tne ship to port. 

family live, his life will be one long struggle for re- what . g done in the ship is done m industry and 

forms. He is convinced that his boss gives him a ^^ . g done in industry is a i s0 done in the admini- 

job he would 

is that Lenin has 
t papers carry the 
news m a headline appropriately colored red. We 
await with interest the thrilling details of Lenin's 
escape and his victorious march upon Moscow where 
he will jail Trotzky. 

Owing to some oversight Trotzky is not credited 
with jailing Lenin with the object of satisfying his 
personal ambitions and occupying Lenin's position in 
the Soviet government. It appears Iris thirst for 
blood got the better of him and when Lenin refused 
to quaff anymore at the expense of the bourgco^e 
Trotzky promptly jailed him and 
amuck among the unfortunate R 

now running 
ssian middle class 

job, that without a boss to provide 
starve. He has a vague idea that his boss amassed 
enough money to buy the industry that he directs its 
operation and that he is entitled to the money he gets 
from his enterprise. The boss recognizes that the 
worker thinks in this way and so it is a common an- 
swer of the employers to the demand for more wages 
or shorter hours that they cannot aflford to make the 
required concessions. 

But with the march of events the worker must rev- 
olutionize his ideas. He must study the conditions 
under which he lives and he must watch the progress 
of his brothers in Europe who arc overthrowing the 
bosses and operating industry themselves for the be- 
nefit of the community as a whole. 

What use 

What do the owners of industry do 
are they? What do they contribute to the operation 
of the world's work that entitles them to control tn* 
lives of thousands of families? Not one in every tive 
hundred of the capitalists could operate the machines 
Which make their fortunes. Few ot them understand 
anything about the actual operation of industry. e 
of them could rivet a bolt, feed a furnace, drive an 
engine, run a lathe, or perform any of the thousand 
at go to run industry, 

the executive 

If all the owners of in- 

vacation to- 

> as a result. 

morning not 

stration of the affairs of the country. During the 
transition period the Soviets found it necessary to 
employ the skilled men until they could train men 
from their own ranks, but they have never denied the 
right of these skilled men to accept the Soviet form 
of government and take their places m the life o the 
community as part of and contributers to the welfare 
ot the community. 

Capitalism purposely keeps men apart. Bolshevism, 
which is merely another name for Sociatem » actton. 
brings men together so that all may work for the 
good of all. 

The new era has already dawned. The day of the 
W 0to of the world is at hand. The proper yless 
he earth's disinherited, are the commg masters O 
he world a world wherein every one that works tor 
*» of society shall lb. *■*"££ 
period of transition many penis U 
: ~i~»*~u» manv mistakes will 

We must protest at these tales the newspapers arc 
telling, quoting some guy in a New V. 
their authority. In the first place. Bolshevik agents 
don't live in New York garrets: only artists and p<*U 
can afford them. We have always had to be content 
with cellars when we lived in the great city. Be- 
sides, cellars are so much more appropriate for plot- 
ting, don't you think? 

However, that's a detail; what really annoys us I 
this talk about $|0Q,000. A.CCC 
there are 500.000 agents, 
dollar apiece, and when wc think 
Trotzky has sent to the different 

gold tucked awav in their 

oi all 


But in tin 
unless the 

proletariat, m. ly mistakes 

workers prepare themselves 
no longer a theory 
in tlfc face 

be made 

for their new 

it is a living 

of tremend- 

• are they capable of performing 
: of their own plants 

America were to take a year's 
wheel would stO 

fact working out its problems 

o r dd, K^x^c^r.h. 

U " U \: ( \t;^r:;U'""..ave.o face. They 
i for themselves. org»i* for the benefit 

must thir 

of all and act as reason diet 
Divided you are help 

an ot 

: all the work* 
on the nation 

tuple truths and they are 

> ,n industry would take 

would be at a standstill. 


a daj s 

But if 

of the 


s, united you are mvmcimc. 

the dawning day is: "We 

- or ld unite, you have nothing to lose but you: 

,ou have a world to gam/ 

with millions of dollars m 

stockings it make cue mad to be put ot! wun a 

ride dollar 

When the Kaiser was giving a 
8 , least supposed to be Uberal 

arc a Jot of pikers, 

* * * 

VV1 tie Wi ire on the Sttb ^ k ' hc< 

be may kno* 



but we suppose a Bureau 01 sc 
bend to this matter. 


Saturday, January 11, 1919 

M EVER in all human history have the toiling- peo- 
ple who have done Ibe work of the world received 
the. product of their toil. The product of the labor 
the people has been perpetually filched from them, 
I they themselves subordinated and cowed in their 
ery and penury. The great masses of the people 
have ever been held in helpless servitude to the power- 
ful and privileged classs. The history of "man's 
inhumanity to man" through economic injustice is on= 
leng, terrible tale of cruelty, brutal oppression and 
unforgivable outrage upon the bodies and minds and 
souls of the teeming" millions that have populated the 

he masses o£ the people come here by the natural 
ation of procreation; but the earth and its prod- 
, and equipment for labor, these new- millions find 
dy in private possession. The resources of the 
are entrenched by law and sanctioned by re- 

But these millions must live, and rather than leap 
into fire or water, or over the rocks, or perish by 
hunger or poison, and mastered by the love of Isie 
these millions may live only on one condition : by of- 
fering their labor for whatever it will bring, as the 
slaves, serfs, hirelings, or wage-earners of the few 
who control the earth and the fullness thereof. 

Rather than die, they have chosen to live a living 
death under the domination and at the mercy of those 
■who controlled the only sources by which men can 

Ancient slavery, this economic and social injustice, 
is the supreme unrighteousness of the ages of history. 
The Assyrian kings, back in the dim past, boasted of 
the horde of human beings that they captured and 
forced into exhausting labor. The empires of Baby- 
Ion, Persia and Egypt and the Republic of Greece 
and Rome were all built upon the bleeding backs of 
millions and millions of baffled, degraded and terror- 
stricken children of men. 

Alexander the Great on one occasion sold ints 
slavery 3o,ooo inhabitants of the one city of Thebes 
at $16.00 per head. The Roman General, Aemilius 
Paulus, put up for auction on a battlefield 150,000 hu- 
man beings. Even Great Caesar took thousands of 
Gauls to Rome and sold them like beasts of burden to 
the noble patricians. 

A paragraph from the pages of a recent archaeolo- 
gist gives an account of the almost universal indus- 
trial oppression of the working classes: 

"Here in Egypt are the tombs of kings, stupendous 
monuments, not alone of monarchial glory and pride, 
but of the reckless waste of human lives, deep in 
sands dug a myriad slaves ignorant of everything 
save the stern necessity of yielding up every bit of 
strength in their bodies and every last gleam of intel- 
ligence in their minds, to the demands of the King. 
In the quarries on the roads, and on the walls for 
scores of years, there toiled these thousands of men, 
wageless and half fed, overworked and scourged. 
Sick, dizzy and exhausted, the only hospital they knew 
was the taskmaster's whip, which stimulated into one 
last, agonized effort the exhausted muscles of a used- 
up body or the frenzied movement of a reeling brain." 
Whether the glory of monarehs demanded the speedy 
completion of some expression of his selfish pride or 
a too rapidly growing race must be reduced to man- 
ageable proportions without massacre, the whole pic- 
ture of that useless grinding toil testifies to an ugly, 
wicked contempt for human life, that is the picture 
of Babylon, Assyria, Egypt, Greece and Rome. Ro- 
maine Patterson said of Babylon, "there was justice, 
but it belonged to a few and had never penetrated the 
great dumb laboring population — Babylon was great 
She used science and she used art, but she abased hu- 
manity. She could calculate a star's eclipse, but not 
her own, No state has been more guilty of the waste 
of human life, and when we see her ruins lying like a 
vast, mysterious autograph scrawled over the desert, 
Her history appears to be full of warning." Of Greece 
he tells us: "The truth ia that behind her splendid 
facade of art, and literature, and philosophy, and el- 
oquence, CP# discover an industrial tyranny and work- 

The Struggle of the Ages 

By Maurice Malone 2n<J a , 

-so Dae 

shops full of slaves, the gleaming city of Athens was 
one of the greaiest slave markets of the ancient world." 
Mommsen says that, compared with die sufferings of 
the Roman slaves, the sum of all negro sufferings is 
but a drop. Capitalists of that day speculated on 
slaves, as many as 10,000 being sold in a day. 

Modern slavery and this record of ancient history 
finds its modified continuance through medieval serf- 
dom. Down to the French Revolution we find the 
horrible parallel in the slavish toils of the mill work- 
ers of England up to 1S25 and over into the chattel 
slavery of America to 1863, when in the black code 
of South Carolina death was the penalty for him who 
c-ared "to aid any slave in running away or departing 
from his master's or employer's service." In the 
memory of men now living it was a crime punishable 
by imprisonment for a white man to teach a negro to 
read or write ; it was left for the slavery in Christian 
Nations to do what pagan slavery never did, prohibit 
instruction of the slave, but the sad story does not end 
there. The present chapters of the long drawn-out 
affliction of the enslaved working class may now be 
read in the daily records of twentieth century Capi- 
talism, with its sweating and unemployment and labor 
wars, exiled from the face of nature and beseiged 
by necessity in the unwholesome and filthy streets and 
alleys of our great industrial centers. 

In daily papers we read of a Senator leaving 
$3o,ooo,ooo to his family, and a railroad king leaving 
$60,000,000, and an oil king worth hundreds of mil- 
lions, while one half of the producing classes are prop- 
eriyless and millions live on the verge of deepest want. 
Just the other day Mr. Frick, the steel magnate gave 
as wedding- presents to his son and the bride checks 
for $14,000,000. At this very moment, this very day, 
millions of human brothers and sisters, old and young, 
not in heathendom, but of our own religion, lan- 
guage and kin, and millions more in all Western 
Christendom, are eking out the miserable lives of un- 
owned slaves in the poverty, degradation and Hell of 
our modern industrial centers. At times hundreds of 
thousands cannot sell themselves by the day at any 
price to the masters of the machine and the market; 
men, women and little children consume their lives 
away in a bitter struggle merely to exist, while 
"wealth sits a monster gorged midst starving popula- 

Up to this moment the people who have made the 
bread of the world have never received the bread their 
hands have made. They have hungered, and hunger 
today, in the presence of the wealth their own hands 
have created. Mrs. Shelly, in her famous book, en- 
titled "Frankenstine/' published 1817, pictured 
"Frankenstine" as the most perfect being. Having 
completed a most marvelous piece of mechanism, all 
at once, to his surprise, it turned out to be a monster 

vc.c cn^aje^ 


The aims and objects of the 
Spartacus Group 

will be explained at a 

Mass Meeting 

Grand Opera House 

cor. Washington and Dover Sts. 
at 2 p. m. 

Sunday, January 12, 1919 

Prominent New York and Boston Speakers 

Auspices Boston Socialist Party 

pose. A parallel of this is to ' 
v. here 55.000,000 of people 
ing life-destroying implemer 
last, and 5x55,000,000,000 of wealth wasted. Were 

tive way wnat a blessing 1: v.'cuid be to tr.r human 

months after the war, our boys, on coming home 
find the Government arsenals on short time and thou- 
sands are discharged. Is this fighting for Democ- 
racy? Not much! While we are holloaing for De- 
mocracy for foreign nations and their people, we are 
threatened with labor troubles galore. 

The whole world today faces the tremendous issue 
of reconstruction. We are confronted with the fol- 
lowing state of affairs: 

1st. — Munition factories closing- down will throw 
many out of work. 

2dn. — Millions of soldiers and sailors, returning 
home from the w T ar, will render insecure the jobs of 
those at work. 

3rd. — Women will w r ork for less wages than men 
in order to retain their jobs. 

4 tn - — The loss of w r ar business will compel firms to 
economize, especially in regard to wages, hours, etc 
5th. — The cost of living will not be lowered to the 
pre-war standard. 

The above are facts, not theories. These facts 
must be met in a common-sense way. It will be no 
use passing pious resolutions, because paper resolu- 
tions never did solve any problems. Something has 
got to be done. 

In the first place, there has got to be solidarity. 
We have got to be united; and this is the time for 
unity, but before we can have unity we must have 
unity- of purpose. We must understand the purpose 
of our coming together, and upon what basis. There 
must be co-operation, everybody will admit, but it 
must be intelligent co-operation. 
How can these people meet the high cost of living? 
Name Capital Income 

John D. , Rockefeller.. .$500,000,000 $50,000,000 

Andrew Carnegie 300,000,000 15,000,000 

William Rockefeller. .... 200,000,000 20,000,000 

Estate Marshall Field .. . 120,000,000 6,000,000 

George Barker 100,000,000 5,000,000 

Henry Phipps 100,000,006 5,000,000 

Henry Frick 100,000,000 5,000,000 

William A. Clark So.000,000 4,000,000 

Estate J. P. Morgan 75,000,000 7,500,000 

Estate E. H. Harriman.. 68,000,000 3400,000 

Estate Russell Sage 64,000,000 3,200.000 

Estate W. K. Vanderbilt 50,000,000 2,500,000 

Estate John S. Kennedy. 65,000,000 3,250,000 

Estate John J. Astor 70,000,000 3,500,000 

W. W. Astor 70,000,000 3,600,000 

J- J. Hill 70.000.00c 30 00 . 000 

Isaac Stephenson 74,000,000 3.500,000 

Estate Mrs. H. Green.. 60,000,000 3,500,000 

Jay Gould 70,000,000 3,500,000 

Cornelius Vanderbilt 50,000,000 2.500,000 

Wm. Weightman 50,000,000 2,500,000 

Ogden Goelet 60,000,000 3,000,000 

W. M. Moore 50,000,000 2,500,000 

Arthur C. James 50,000.000 2,500,0)0 

Robert Goelet 60,000,000 3. 000 ' 000 

Guggenheim 50,000,000 2.500,000 

Thomas F. Ryan 50,000.000 2,500,000 

Edward Morris 45,000,000 2,500.003 

J. O. Armour , 45,000,000 2.500,000 

Socialism is the only remedy for this great evil. 
What is Socialism? It is the public ownership of all 
the wealth, the mills, the mines, the factories, the 
railroads and land. Things that are used in common, 
must be owned in common, by the people and for the 
people under democratic management by the people, 
instead of the present system of private ownership for 
profits — then humanity will be free from want and 
the fear of want. Workeri of the world unite — then, 
and not until then, will you be free. Read and study 
Socialism and think for yourself. 

Saturday, January 11, 1919 


THE Bethlehem Steel Corporation was born on 
the loth of December 1904— born to "per- 
petual life" under a charter granted by the 
State of New Jersey, Since that time , Bethlehem 
;>teel has been growing as every healthy child of capi- 
talism should grow. The Bethlehem Corporation is 
an international capitalistic enterprise typical of capi- 
talism at its biggest. Beside the Lehigh plant at 
Bethlehem the Corporation has plants at Reading- 
ton, Pa.; at New Castle, Del.; at Tituaville, Pa.; at 
Lebanon, Pa.; at Cornwall, Pa.; at Steclton, Pa.; 
and at Sparrows Point, Md. 

When the outlook for the shipbuilding business be- 
came bright the corporation Went in for the produc- 
tion of maritime commodities. Through one of its 
subsidiaries the Bethlehem Steel Corporation has se- 
cured plants at Elizabethport, N. J.; at Wilmington, 
Del. : at Sparrows Point, Md. ; at San Francisco, Cal. ; 
at Alameda, Cab; at Quincy, Mas?.; at Squantum, 
Mass.; at Buffalo, N. Y„ and Providence, R. I. One 
of the San Francisco plants, beside the plants at 
Quincy, Squantum, Buffalo and Providence is owned 
by the United States Government, but operated by the 
Bethlehem Steel Corporation. 

The Bethlehem Steel Corporation has extensive 
quarrying and mining properties. Five quarries in 
Pennsylvania and New Jersey furnish fluxing stone 
for the Corporation. There are three large Cuban 
ore properties. One of them contains 3,500,000 tons 
of ore; the second, 560,000,000 tons of ore, and the 
third, 970,000,000 tons of ore. One of the three Cu- 
ban tracts totals 55.000 acres. 

The Bethlehem Steel Corporation also controls im- 
portant iron ore mines in Chile and important coal 
mines in Pennsylvania and West Virginia. The Cor- 
poration has also organized a steamship company to 
carry its ore from South America and Cuba to Spar- 
rows Point, Philadelphia and New York. 

The Corporation has issued $105,000,000 worth of 
stock besides its bonded indebtedness. The stock is 
in four classes. Until January, 1018, the 8 per cent. 
preferred stock never paid any dividend. The 7 per 
cent, preferred paid dividends until February, 1907. 
From then until April, 1913, no dividends were paid. 
The initial dividend on the common stock (30 per 
cent.) was declared January 20th, 1016. A 200 per 
cent, stock dividend was paid on Class B Common 
Stock, February 17, 1917. In other words Bethlehem 

The Truth About Bethlehem Steel 

By Scott Nearing 

was made by the war. 

The net manufacturing profit of the Bethlehem 
Steel Corporation was eight millions and a half in 
'9L3 and a little more than nine millions in 19 14. In 
1915 it was twenty-three millions, and in 1916 sixty 
millions. Even more striking is the "surplus" in the 
pre-war as contrasted with the war years. In 1913 
it was only a little over one million dollars; in 1914 
it was nearly five million dollars; in 1915 it was six- 
teen millions; in 1916 it was thirty-eight millions; 
and in 1917 it was nineteen millions. 

The total amount of money paid in dividends re- 
flects the same condition. The Company paid divi- 
dends of seven millions in 1913; less than five mil- 
lions in 1914; eight millions in 1915, twenty-three 
millions in 1916, and thirty-four millions in 1917. 

Bethlehem has been made by the war! Its pros- 
perity is as distinctly a war prosperity as that of any 
other company in the United States. Until the time of 
the war the Corporation was doing badly, hut since 
the war it has been a "gold mine" to its stockholders. 

The average net income of the Bethlehem Steel 
Corporation for 191 1, 1912 and 191 3 was $3,075,108; 
in 1914 it was $5,590,020; 1915 it was $17,762,813; 
tr>l6 it was $43o93»968. 

These figures are startling, but they arc merely sur- 
face indications of Bethlehem's prosperity. They are 
the figures that go to the public. Behind them in the 
reports of the corporation are figures of far greater 

A Corporation like the Bethlehem Steel Corpora- 
tion appropriates money out of its income for "addi- 
tions" and for "working capital." That is, it takes 
a part of its earnings and turns them back into the 
business without ever giving the stockholders a look 
?t them. In 1912, and again in 1913, the Bethlehem 
Steel Corporation appropriated seven and a half mil- 
lions fortius purpose; in 1914 it appropriated twelve 
fflnd a half millions; in 1915, twenty-five millions; in 
1916 sixty millions, and in 1917 forty-seven millions, 
five hundred thousand dollars. In other words, in 
the thr^ee war years — 1915, 1916, 1917 — the corpora- 
tion put back into the business out of its earning* 
8132,500.000 — or thirty million more than its entire 
capital stock. 

The same facts are brought out very clearly in the 
tliargt's for "depreciation," "repairs" and "mainte- 

nance." In 1912, 1913 and 1914 the amount charged 
for repairs and maintenance was about the same each 
year; namely, a million and three-quarters; in 191 5 
three and a half million was so charged; in 1916 nine 
millions, and in 1917 eighteen millions. The same 
thing is true of the charges for relining furnaces, etc. 
In the years from 1912 to i9i$ these charges averaged 
about eight hundred and fifty thousand a year. In 
1916 they were three millions and in 1917 $10,869,000. 

A great corporation like the Bethlehem Steel 
charges off large amounts against the losses due to 
the working out of mines, the running out of patent! 
and the general depreciation of its capital. From i9i2 
to 1915 Bethlehem charged about three hundred thou- 
sand dollars a year for "amortization of patents and 
extinction of mining' investments." Other deprecia- 
tion charges were: In 1912, three-quarters of a mil- 
lion; in 1913, one million and a quarter; in 1914, a 
million and a half, and in 1915, $4,377,000. For 1916 
and 1917 both accounts were lumped together as fol- 
lows: 1916, $14,351,000; 1917, $17,912,000. 

In other words during the year 1917, Bethlehem 
paid approximately thirty-four millions in dividends. 
It made appropriations for "additions" and "work- 
ing capital" of about forty-seven million, five hundred 
thousand dollars. It invested Qi8,33o,ooo in re- 
pairs and maintenance and $io,869,ooo for relining 
furnaces, etc. It laid aside $17,912,000 as a depre- 
ciation fund and then had a surplus for the year of 

Every worker in the employ of the Bethlehem Steel 
Corporation should rejoice at these figures. They 
indicate a state of prosperity heretofore undreamed 
of, even by the most optimistic apologists for modem 
capitalism. Never in the history of the economic 
world has there been such stupendous surplus placed 
in the hands of a few individuals with no responsibil- 
ity to the public save that of citizenship. The war 
has brought unexampled prosperity to Bethlehem. Its 
stock holders have earned fabulous dividends. Its 
properties have been lined with "fat" that will run 
for a decade. 

The annual reports of the Bethlehem Steel Corp- 
oration make no mention of the workers. The manu- 
als of industrial securities do not comment upon them 
at all. The corporation has laid by its tens of millions, 
The workers are for the most part still laboring at 
the old subsistent wages. 

British Workers Speak to President Wilson 

AcLean, member of the Independent Labor 
Great Britain, was sentenced to five years 
• servitude for his activities in the great muni- 
tions strike last year. He sen-cd nine months of his 
sentence and was then released owing to the demand 
°f the Scottish and English workers. McLean was 
appointed some time ago by the Soviet government to 
be its ambassador in Great Britain. 

Upon his release he addressed the following letter 
to President Wilson : 

Woodrow Wilson, 
Pr «ident, U. S A 

tte here in Europe to negotiate a "Democratic 
as a Democrat. If so, I wish you to prove 
icerity by releasing Tom Mooney, Billings, 
ay wood, and all others at present in prison as 
■quence of their fight for Working Class De- 
since the United States participated in the 

forking Class Democracy of Britain forced 

Witet to release me from Peterhead Prison. 

1 undergoing five years' sentence under 

(Defense of the Realm Act) 

write as an ease to my conscience and a 
the World's Working Class Democracy 
above-mentioned friends and comrades. 
I Uyde Workers will tend me as on* of their 
a *€3 to the coming Peace Conference, aud there, 

inside or outside the Conference Hall, I shall chal- 
lenge your U. S. A. Delegates if my friends are not 

After that I shall tour America until you do justice 
tc the real American champions of Democracy. 
Yours in deadly earnest, 
John McLean, 

42 Auldhouse Road, 

Newlands, Glasgow, Scotland. 

The following letter was sent to Miss Eleanor Fitz- 
gerald, secretary of the New York Council of the In- 
ternational Workers Defense League: 

Dear Madam: 

I am directed by the Glasgow Trades and Labour 
Council to inform you that the undernoted resolution 
was unanimously passed by the Council on Wednes- 
day, December r I : 

"The Glasgow Trades and Labour Council joins in pro- 
m'intt wainst the continued imprisonment of I, J. 
M^onVaml others, and demands RCW triali Of «n«ed«- 
; , r . One hundred thousand 1 rad« L. .10 mils m 
fl ;. r :, v protest against the unscrupulous ^thods of 
rSiSni up evidence, and ask you to convey to Amen- 
r:; 'V President our demand for Justice. 
I W a3 accordingly instructed to cable to you the 
foregoing resolution, which I hope you have received 
and I shall be pleased to have an acknowledgment of 
the resolution from you. 

I have to inform you, also that a large Demonstra- 
tion in the interests of Labour was h.ld m the St. 

Andrew's Halls on December 6, when the following 
resolution was unanimously passed by the audience in- 
side the St. Andrew's Halls and the overflow Meeting 
outside. These Meetings represented rather more than 
ten thousand workers, and the resolution referred to, 
and which was unanimously carried, was moved by 
Mr. Robert Smillie, President of the British Miners' 
Federation, as follows: 

"Resolved that this Meeting in the St. Andrew's Halls, 
numbering, with the overflow Meeting, ten thousand 
workers, protest against the life-sentence on Tom 
Mooney. and desire to associate ourselves with the 
American Federation of Labour in respect to a compro- 
mise of Penal Servitude, and further de'r^rc that Tom 
Mooney is either Guilty, or he is Innocent, and be it 
therefore resolved that the workers of Scotland demand 
the release of Tom Mooney, or we shall judge the Ameri- 
can Democracies by the final outcome of the fate of Tom 

You may take it that the Labour movement in Brit- 
ain is with the Labour movement in America in their 
demand that Mooney and his fellow Trade Unionists 
must not be allowed to rot in prison, and will continue 
to agitate and demonstrate until they are released. 
Yours truly, 

William Thaw, 

The National Security League is sending out thou- 
sands of pamphlets written by Dr. Moore to the 
Negrot*. telling them to work and save. Making the 
Negro safe for exploitation ! 


Saturday, January 11, 1919 

The Background of the German Revolution 

IN the early days of the war between the two bellig- 
erent powers; there was a third power, silent un- 
seen, but preparing to burst forth tt imwtWe 
action-the power of the Russian Revolution L)ur- 
h^ the days immediately preceding the declaration 
of war, when German Imperialism was trying to cre- 
ate a war psychology by exploiting the fears of Car- 
ism. certain 'German Socialists acutely insisted that 
there was a pdwer in Russia that should be consid- 
ered in any real valuation of the situation, a power 
mightier than Czarism, and that was-the, Revolu- 
tion But this was not heeded, and was forgotten by 
the German Social Democracy in the wild orgy of 
social-Imperialism and social-patriotic insanity that 
ensued. . . 

That the coming: Russian Revolution was a prole- 
tarian revolution was evident. The Revolution of 
1005, betraved and maligned by the bourgeon liber- 
als--; 'the subsequent counter-revolutionary period in 
which the bourgeoisie consolidated its power, accept- 
ing Imperialism and autocracy, and abandoning all 
revolutionary convictions—made it clear that the So- 
cialist proletariat alone could make a revolution in 
Russia. This was emphasized by the bourgeois at- 
titude during the war.— enthusiastic acceptance of the 
'war and of its imperialistic objects, the abandonment 
of even ordinary liberal opposition in favor of victory 
and a bourgeois Czarism. 

The Russian bourgeoisie was partially critical, truly, 
but it was within the limits of Czarism, a criticism 
based upon the fact of Czarism producing defeat in- 
stead of victory. When the "great Duma" met in 
March, 1917, it did 'not concern itself with the needs 
of the people, the mass agony and starvation: the 
Duma refused to grant powers to the Petrograd mu- 
nicipality necessary to provide food for the people; 
the Duma liberate were interested exclusively in the 
war and victory. The intervenion of the revolution- 
ary proletariat was necessary. . . . 

Then came the elemental mass action of the work- 
ers of Petrograd — mass strikes, demonstrations, food 
riots, revolutionary action against Czarism, that an- 
nihilated the reactionary regime mercilessly and com- 
pletely, and which was the signal for the revolt of 
the soldiers, who were still agonizing in a hopeless,, 
reactionary war. The bourgeoisie did not partici- 
pate in this revolutionary action ; their attitude was 
comprised in intrigues to depose Czar Nicholas in 
favor of a Grand Duke who would bring victory and 
recognize bourgeois requirements, in participation in 
the plots of Anglo-French capital directed against 
Czar Nicholas and a separate peace. It was the prole- 
tarian masses that marched to the assault aeainst 
Czarism, that through the Workmen's and Soldiers'' 
Council issued a call for the Republic and a call to 
the belligerent proletariat to act against Imperialism 
and, 1 the war. 1 The bourgeoisie wanted a "constitu- 
tional monarchy" : this was admitted by M. Milyukev,. 
the Constitutional Democratic leader, on March 13,. 
after the revolution. It was the revolutionary action 
of the masses that gave the Duma courage to disobey 
the Czar's ukase to dissolve; and it was the Work- 
men's Council that imposed a republican program 
upon the first Provisional Government organized out 
of the old Duma opposition. 

But the Provisional Government was bourgeois, 
the government of the capitalists, and accordingly 
counter-revolutionary. Its personnel was part and 
oarcel of the imperialistic forces and purposes instinct 
in -the war. It established the usual bourgeois free- 
doms; and it prepared to wage more aggressively 
the imperialistic war waged by Czarism, accepting 
the agreements and obligations of the Czar's govern- 
ment to other nations. Foreign Minister Milyukov, 
of the Provisional Government, insisted that revolu- 
tionary Russia would fight until it secured Constanti- 
nople^ and the Provjs'onal Government accepted Mil- 
yukov's policy. But the masses, who had made the 
Revolution in the name of pence, bread and liberty, 
negatived the proposition ; on May 2 and 3, the revo- 
Urtionary masses in Petrograd demonstrated against 
Muyukov> the Provisional Government, and all im- 
perialistic aims, As 3 consequence of this and other 
prcvnrr, M lyukov and others were compelled to re- 
sign, and on May jK a new Provisional Government 
m government'' which con 

By Louis C. Fraina 


The Russian Revolution 

Soviets, — coalition being accepted against the violent 
protests of the Bolsheviki. 

At this stage, a bourgeois revolution had been defi- 
nitely accomplished, not by the bourgeoisie, but by 
the proletariat, who momentarily, however, allowed 
the bourgeoisie to usurp power. It was a political 
revolution, but with this change at the top, there 
was a movement at the bottom, an elemental bursting 
forth of the revolutionary activity of the people. This 
activity alone, destroying and reconstructing funda- 
mentals, could accomplish the Revolution, by means 
of an implacable class struggle against Capitalism and 

The revolutionary masses had constituted as in- 
struments of revolutionary action their Soviets, of 
Workers, of Soldiers and of Peasants, — the self- 
governing units of the organized producers, complet- 
ed forms of the '"sections" and "communes" of the 
French Revolution, These Soviets constituted the 
only real power; but under the influence of the mod- 
erate Socialists, all power was yielded to the bour- 
geois Provisional Government. The Soviets were 
class organizations characteristic of the proletarian 
revolution ; under the pressure of revolutionary events, 
they usurped powers of government, developing from 
exclusive instruments of revolutionary action into in- 
struments of revolutionary government. The mod- 
erate Socialists, under the guidance of the Menshe- 
viki (representing the dominant opportunistic Social- 
ism) and the Social-Revolutionists, wanted to de- 
grade the Soviets into a "parliamentary opposition" ; 
the revolutionary Socialists, represented by the Bol- 
sheviki, wanted all power to the Soviets, a revolution- 
ary government of the Soviets alone. This was the 
■decisive struggle of the Revolution, — the struggle be- 
tween the bourgeois Provisional Government and the 
developing proletarian government of the Soviets; the 
struggle between the petty bourgeois democracy of 
the 'Constitutional Assembly, and all. power to the 

The world concerned itself much with the attitude 
aind proposals of the politicians during these early 
days ; but the decisive events of the Revolution were 
"being prepared by the masses. The bourgeois politi- 
cal tendency, which aimed simply at a change in the 
forms of government, enthroning the bourgeois re- 
public and bourgeois supremacy, was superficially 
dominant ; but the real factor was the economic revo- 
lutionary tendency of the masses, which aimed at a 
complete annihilation of the old regime and a recon- 
struction of the industrial system. This was appar- 
ent in the peasants seizing the land (monopolized by 
;a few, very Jew, nobles and rich peasants), in spite of 
'.the prohibitions of the Provisional Government; this 
'was apparent in city after city, where, even at this 
iearly stage, the Soviet usurped the functions .of gov- 
ernment, in the workers electing Shop Committees to 
■control factory production, and seizing factories closed 
down by owners as a measure against the Revolution. 
The Provisional Government, being bourgeois, pal- 
tered on the land question, since confiscation would 
be inimical to the interests of the bourgeois peasants, 
capital and the banks; the Provisional Government,' 
being imperialistic, had to dodge and bluster about 
the war and the_ purposes of the war, and lie about 
pence while continuing flo wage an imperialistic war; 
and the Provisional Government, being capitalist, had 
to protect the interests of the capitalists in all 'vital 
measures. The old bureaucracy had been retained; 
and all progressive measures .were sabotaged by these 
hang-overs of the old regime, as the capitalists 
sabotaged production. The crisis developed more 
acutely ; the revolution had only begun. But revolu- 
tion is (lie great educator and developer of class action 
--temporary reverses created a new opportunity. 

On June r8. the Petrograd workers, under the in- 
spiration of die Bolsheviki, determined upon a demon- 
stration against the Provisional Government. The 
VU-Russian ^ Congress of Soviets, then in session hi 
I etrograd, issued a declaration against the demon- 
stration, and the Government prepared to crush it by 
force, The Soviet moderates had become definitely 
counter-revolutionary; the demonstration was aban- 
doned; bui it broke out on July 16-17, after the ill- 
ratfd July offensive (determined upon as a diplomatic 
: nek), and after the bourgeois ministers had resigned 
Tcau*e 01 a disagreement on Ukrainian autonomy. 
I he demonstration was to have been a peaceful one; 
but counter-revolutionary gangs and govcrnnient 
troops provoked the masses, and for two days there 
was ssivasrc fisrhting b the streets, resulting in a vic- 
tory of the Govcrnnient. Then followed a reign of 
terror: the revolutionary masses were- disarmed, Bol- 
sneviki arrested, including Trotzkv, and a 

issued for Lenin's arrest, who went into hiding, from 
where he continued to didrect the revolutionary cam 
paign. The All-Russian Soviet Central Executive 
Committee, dominated by the moderates, aligned itself 
with the Government: the moderate Socialists had be- 
come the real enemy of the Revolution. The prole- 
tariat and poorer peasants, the proletarian revolu" 
Hon could conquer only by the annihilation of moder- 
ate Socialism. 

But the crisis had become more acute. The pres- 
sure of the masses increased; and a new Govern- 
ment was organized with the "Socialist" Kerensky as 
Premier; "Socialism" was now the last bulwark of 
defense of Capitalism. The first important act of 
Kerensky was to restore the death-penalty in the 
army, a restoration demanded by counter-revolution- 
ary generals as a measure against the soldier democ- 
racy, and to call a conference at Moscow in August 
at which convened all the reactionary forces of Rus- 
sia, and where it was openly declared that the thin* 
necessary for Russia was the abolition of the Soviets. 
It was apparent at this conference that the counter-rev- 
olutionary forces were preparing a coup against the 
Revolution. The coup materialized early in Sep- 
tember in General Kornilov's revolt, which Kerensky 
had invited to crush the revolutionary masses of 
Petrograd, but which Kornilov transformed into a 
coup equally against Kerensky, and which Kerensky 
thereupon opposed. The revolt was crushed; but i't 
conyinccd the masses of the force of the Bolshevist 
contention— either all power to the Soviets, or the 
defeat of the Revolution. The aftermath was swift and 
certain : in Soviet after Soviet the Bolsheviki became 
ascendant, and Leon Trotzky was elected President 
of the most influential Soviet, that of Petrograd. The 
final struggle approached : the masses prepared for all 
power to the Soviets, the reaction for the suppression 
of the Soviets, while the coalition government, sym- 
bolizing a fictitious unity of all the classes, was march- 
ing to destruction. 

Kerensky tried to bolster up his declining prestige 
and power, by means of a Democratic Congress and 
a Preliminary Parliament, which declared Russia a 
Republic — an empty gesture. But Kerensky was com- 
pletely discredited; he could talk, but he dared not 
act, hesitation, compromise and intrigues character- 
izing his desperate policy. With the discrediting of 
Kerensky came the discrediting of the moderate, petty 
bourgeois Socialists in the Soviets. This process was 
feverishly accelerated by the problem of peace. Ker- 
ensky had tried, and vainly, to secure a revision of the 
war aims of the Allies; the Soviet Executive Com- 
mittee, still controlled by the moderates, elected 
Skobeleff to represent it at the coming Allied Confer- 
ence in Paris which was presumably to discuss war 
aims and peace terms; but the Entente Governments 
through Jules Cambon declared that they would not 
recognize Skobeleff, and that, moreover, 'the Confer- 
ence was" to discuss only military measures. The 
conclusion was clear: only by means of international 
class action and the revolutionary struggle could peace 
be secured, only by means of' the uncompromising 
struggle against all Imperialism and the repudiation 
of petty bourgeois Socialism. 

This was at the end of October ; some time earlier 
the Bolsheviki had called for a meeting of the AI1- 
Russian Congress of Soviets. This created consterna- 
tion equally among the bourgeoisie and the moderate 
Socialists: the Congress, it was clear, would accept the 
program of the Bolsheviki, The Central Executive 
Committee, in spite of the fact -that a Congress was 
due, refused to call it; but the Bolsheviki issued their 
callfor a Congress to convene on November 7. This 
initiated the definite proletarian revolution in Rus- 
sia, of which the uprising of November 7 in Petro- 
grad was an incident: the revolution had been accom- 
plished in the local Soviets, which accepted Bolshe- 
vism and which had become organs of revoluttionary 
government as well as instruments of revolutionary 
action. The insurrection of November 7 swept the 
Kerensky Government away; and on the evening of 
the same day, the All-Russian Congress decreed all 
power to the Soviets — a workers' and peasants* gov- 
ernment instead of a bourgeois government, an in- 
dustrial Socialist state instead of a parliamentary 
capitalist state: Socialism and the proletarian rcvolu* 
lion Had conquered! 

All power to the Soviets constituted a proletariat' 
revolution, necessarily; a Soviet Government impfi* 
the adoption of revolutionary Socialist measures* the 
initiation of the process of introducing Communist 
Socialism, the immediate political expropriation of the 
bourgeoisie and its partial economic expropriation. 
But the pro' '~ 

id its 

Brian revolution in Russia along could 

ently >urvive: it bad to develop rcvolu- 
s m the proletariat of the Other belli^er- 
and *o the Soviet Republic st rustic J for 

rder the international proletarian revoli 

Saturday, January 11, 1919 


The New Stage Opens 

Continued from page i 

■ k Kbert and Scheideniann assumed full responsi- 
bility tor the orders to fire upon the sailors, and In- 
sisted that "the strongest and most uncompromising 
measures must be taken to prevent riots and further 
lawbreaking by civilians as well as the military." Un- 
le^s the Government was given this power, Ebert & 
Co threatened to resign. Scheideniann, Ebent and 
Lamlsberg made one of the conditions of their re- 
maining- in the Government the organization of "a 
popular army of reliable troops." They issued this 
appeal through the Vonvat -is: 

"Comrades, you will have* to decide, because our 
title of People's Commissaires rests on your confi- 
dence. If you should absolve us, you must do some- 
thing more. You must create power for us. There is 
no Government without power. We cannot act as 
your executive without power. Without power we 
become the prey of anyone sufficiently unscrupulous 
u use his comrades and their arms for vainglorious 
purposes and his own profit. Do you really desire a 
German Social Democratic Republic? Do you desire 
a Government by men who are your partisans? Do 
you want us to make peace as soon as possible and se- 
cure food for the starving? If so, then help the Gov- 
ernment create a people's army that they may pro- 
tect its dignity and freedom of decision and action 
against base attacks and coups." 

The Central Council favored Ebert and Scheide- 
mann quite naturally. The Independent ministers 
presented eight questions to the Committee, formulated 
by Dittmann, the answer to which was to decide their 
further action: 

"First — Does the Central Council approve the ac- 
tion of Ebert, Scheidemann and Landsberg, who, on 
the nigin of December 23-24, gave unlimited power to 
the War Minister to use military force against the 
sailors in the Castle and royal stables? 

"Second — Does the Central Council approve the 
ultimatum of ten minutes fixed for the surrender of 
the Castle stables by General Lequis. 

"Third — Will the Council see to the immediate ex- 
ecutions of the resolution passed by the Congress of 
Soldiers' and Workmen's Councils, abolishing all dis- 
tinctions of military rank and prohibiting officers in 
home garrisons from wearing arms? 

"Fourth — Does the Council approve the intimation 
at Hindenburg's headquarters in a confidential mes- 
sage to the Eastern Headquarters that this resolution 
would not be recognizeed? 

"Fifth — Does the Council approve the removal of 
the Government from Berlin to Weimar or any other 
Place in Central Germany? 

"Sixth-^Does the Council approve the program 
that instead of total demobilization, only a reduction of 
^standing army i s planned? 

"Seventh— Is the Council of the same view with 
Ms tliat the Socialist Republic must not rest on the 

'Pport of generals and the rest n£ the standing army. 

ut .on Citizens' Guards to be formed on democratic 
pnncipl es ? 

. , '%ht— Does the Council approve that the social- 
!zm S of industries as far as practicable should begin 
a t once? 

^These arc surety moderate demands, characteristic 
1 ' a "centre" policy, and actually in accord with the 
avowed 1 policy— in words— of the bourgeois-'Social- 
M Government. The Central Council decisively ap- 
0VC(1 *he action of Ebert and Scheidemann in using 
ftwst the sailors, and answered the first qu*ts- 
rmatively. The second and fourth they an- 
tivcly, and dodged the others on the pica 
reports were required. The Central 
n asked the Commissaires two questions ot 

vrc the People's Commissaires 
liblk: order and. security and es 
public property against violent 
d— Arc the People's Commissati 
efend with what forces they c 
against am violence, no 

w hat side, so as to secure their own administration 
and the effective service of subordinate organs?" 

Haase, Dittman and Barth thereupon declared that 
they would resign voluntarily, since they could not 
approve of the use of force, because bloodshed might 
have been avoided if Ebert, Scheidemann and Lands- 
berg had adopted other measures, and because they 
disapproved of entrusting to General Lequis, a repre- 
sentative of the old regime, the power of life and 
death. The Council's answers to the other questions, 
moreover, were considered unsatisfactory by the In- 
dependents. They declared there was no necessity of 
answering the Council's two questions, since they 
were resigning. 

The Ebert Government is drawing further away 
from the revolutionary masses— while Herr Scheide- 
mann fulminates against Liebknecht. declaring that 
the arrest of Liebknecht and twenty others would dis- 
pose of the "rebels" ; but they dare not make arrests. 
The withdrawal of the Independents has strengthened 
and weakened the Government — strengthened it im- 
mediately, in that it may now smoothly work with the 
counter-revolution and use dramatic measures; weak- 
ened it ultimately, in that the policy of repression and 
force will awaken the anger of the masses and new 
revolutionary action. Events are clearing the air. 
Once the revolutionary masses recognize the accom- 
plished fact of the Ebert Government being an instru- 
ment of Capitalism, with all that that implies,— then 
the masses will act, swiftly, aggressively. 

The withdrawal of the Independents, characteristi- 
cally on minor issues and not on the fundamental prob- 

What is a Strike? 

(Continued from page 8) 
Electric has four or more plants in various cities. If 
one plant is struck the management can simply trans- 
fer its orders to another. So the workers learned 
that to be successful they must strike not only the 
whole plant, but all the plants of the company. When 
the Lynn workers were making demands, the Schenec- 
tady workers came forward and threatened to strike 
to support them. When the Schenectady workers had 
demands they were supported by Pittsfield. As I 
write, a general strike in all the plants seems likely. 

The workers throughout America must learn to or- 
ganize so as to be able to strike not one by one, each 
for the good of himself, but all at once for the good oi 

Does this mean that the workers must abandon 
tbnr craft unions and form a new general organiza- 
tion. Some will tell you so. I do not think so. I 
think there will always be a need for organization 
along craft lines. But what is immediately necessary 
is that the craft unions act together. Let the local 
officers of the unions in each plant work as one cen- 
tral committee. Let them agree to act only when all 
act together. Then let them send delegates to a gen- 
eral national committee representing all the plants in 
that industry. And let these delegates agree to act 
only when all act together. 

When your delegates do this, then your employers 
will racre and call you Bolsheviks. And by this you 
will know that you have the kind of industrial wea- 
pon that they fear and that you need. 

When all the workers in the plant strike together. 
then, and only then, will the workers in the industry 
got their demand-. 

To take this type of industrial action you need not 

lems of the Revolution, will not increase their pres- 
tige, is again an expression of their hesitant policy. 
They should never have become members of the Gov- 
ernment, disgraced themselves by association with 
Ebert , Scheidemann, Soil", and the other lackeys of 
the old regime. They might have "redeemed" them- 
selves by withdrawing when the Congress of Coun- 
cils approved of Ebert and Scheidemann and de- 
clared for an early convocation of the Constituent As- 
sembly : but they stayed, and that is their stigma. The 
decisions of the Congress of Councils and the waver- 
ing attitude of the majority Independents caused a 
split witthin the party, Lcdebour and other Independ- 
ents of the left openly accepting the Spartacus pro- 
gram and working with Liebknecht. The withdrawal 
of Haase, Dittmann and Ebert from the Govern- 
ment will enormously strengthen the Independents of 
the left, and thereby strengthen the Spartacans. In 
demonstrations after December 23-24, large numbers 
of Independents marched with the Spartacans ; Inde- 
pendents are now calling for "All power to the 
Soviets !" 

The power of revolutionary Socialism is being aug- 
mented by great industrial strikes, among the miners 
in Silesia and Westphalia, and by the pressing prob- 
lems of reconstruction. Under the pressure of life 
itself, local Councils are usurping government func- 
tions, establishing control over industry, adopting 
treasures that, precisely as in Russia, prepares the 
way for realizing all power to the Councils, to the 
federated Soviets. What forms the struggle may 
adopt until the meeting of the Constituent Assembly, 
is uncertain ; the struggle against the Constituent As- 
sembly continues ; but should the Assembly meet and 
decrease a "democratic" republic, it would automati- 
cally decree the abolition of the Councils, and should 
this, as is likely, provoke a new revolutionary strug- 
gle, the Councils would emerge victorious and estab- 
lish the dictatorship of the proletariat. The measures 
being adopted by local Councils can never fit in with 
a regime established by the Constituent Assembly. 
Communist Labor Party builds upon the basis of the 
Councils; and Scheidemann was right: as long z 
Councils exist, they must drift toward Bolshe 
develop into a proletarian dictatorship. 

The call to revolutionary action is clear, insistent, 
aggressive, and clearer, more insistent, more aggres- 
she is developing the response. It must come, it will 
come — the Revolution. The general European, the 
world revolution depends upon the completion of the 
proletarian revolution in Germany: but equally, the 
proletarian revolution in Germany depends upon the 
general revolution. 

Each to his task! The proletariat in its own way 
and in accord with its own conditions, must furthei 
the general revolutionary struggle. But one 
is common to all: the rdentless struggle against j 
bourgeois Socialism as an indispensable 
struggle against Capitalism and Imp& 
theory and practice oi the Bolsheviki — 
action — alone constitute the theorv an< 
Socialism and the revolutionarv 

— Marxism sn 

nd practice of 


pared to 


alt) pn- 

a j? 

jression • 

"The Revolutionary Age 
Red Week Conference" 

meets every Friday evening at 8 P. M„ Room 
I. Dudley Street Opera House, 113 Dudley 
treet. Roxbtiry, Mass. All S. P. onraniza- 
lions of Boston and vicinity are invited to 
join the Conference by sending two delegate 
to the earliest meeting. 

Secretary of the Confereo 



Saturday, January 11, ij 19 


\ ERA worker knows that there is no such thing 
i a strike by one nun. If one man goes "on 
strike" he simply loses his Job. Nor is there 
s«e*> » thing as a strike by two or three men, 
An • - 1 i large piant a strike by fifty, or a hundred, 
Or five hundred naen is jnst as futile as a strike by 
h*0 or three. It does not cripple the plant. It only 
cripples the strikers. 

If the workers know this, then common horse sense 
ong-hc to tell then: that i strike by one craft union is 
not a strike, cither. It may took like a strike, but it 
aire. A strike occurs when all the workers quit tc 

is a Strike? 

By Facts 

J he writer of his article touches on a point upon 
Jf'* t'jf'+Mericwi workers have long been dhnded 
' K l \ 2 ! •*) "'" / "' P. rescn t cra f t form of unions as 
';; ,_ "' iUc ° ne B*M Union. The attitude he take*, 
at craft unions are necessary and can be 
'.If'! I nee . ds t)f the ^rkers, is one side if 
n imp riant question. We invite discussion by our 
n the matter.— Editor. 

Anything les 

It is 

• Strike at all. In principle it is 

hers at work, fchei 

work ail through 

strikes they will 
and quarter-cloth- 

; g es on strike 

strike. For a few 

r even stop it 

the boss. En: 

>$s has all the skilled crafts tied up with signed 
racts, the unskilled workers can strike all* they 
rhere are strikers to take their places. 

1 he boss may buy out the strike. This U 
done, for there are always some union leaders 
tre more anxious about money than about the 
Ng Class, the workers can never be sure that 
sat s me union leader who will sell out, 
M " ■''';-■ '" mc ot ' ^e ways in which the cm. 
can 1 reak the strike of a small craft union, or 
to the disadvantage of the other workers. Of 
• : workers are familiar with these methods. 

" '" ■'■'■ Vera are clever. They have studied stnke 
• '■'- '■ ■ '■ tars I hey know all the ways of break- 
il* --" - : '. : - : E : usm fi thcni for their own advan- 
U J"- l ae > have n - atle a science of it. The working 
man cannot possibly be familiar with all the ways 
01 £ boss at these crafty games. If the 

I ghts with pop-guns it is sure in the end 

-tack, simply docs not know what is hannenJn • 
the industrial world. Opening in 

"skilled workers may have to form one general un 
for then- protection, but that the skilled are T 
qnately protected through their craft organisation 
I 1*7 will tell you that the skilled workers^tt 
" number and have a monopoly value on their ski , 
that when they strike they cannot be replaced ' 

n this ever was wholly true, it is rapidly becoming 
Wn*. The skilled craftsman no longer has a Z2 
oly of hi. skill. "Efficiency methods" and the wit 
have changed that fast. 

highly skilled workers in the country. Their work was 
absolutely essential to thci- - nployers. They were 
well organized in many places. They spent four years 
o apprenticeship learning their trade. They lirntted 
Kc number of apprentices. If they went on strike 
hey could not be replaced. They were geting good 
■•>• -^,. in e y VV e r e a part f the "aristocracy of la- 

The war came. With it came an enormous in- 
se m the product to the making of which they 

the plant entirely. Then 
at their jobs starve, and g 
ers have saved more men 
can stand it longer. Ofte 
money by strikes such as 
cateur to provoke them. 
imtons always come back 
(2 j The boss may ti 
plants doing the same ki 
him to keep his contracts, 
cost, and helps him to -,u 



30SS may s 

mt down 


workers w 

io stayed 

-* r ! 0r it. 

rhe own- 


up ti 

lan the wo 

rkers and 


he o 

vners actu; 

Jiv make 

k he 

se an 

d hire age) 

is frova- 

v hen 

the strike 

fails the 


than before. 



his orders 

to other 


of \ 

/ork. Thi 

'■ enab! -, 



more than 



e out 

the strike 

•3. Which 

is an 

are to 

in itself. Employers are al- 
ways ready to help each other in these little ways 
Whn their interests are the same they know enough 
to act together for each other's benefit, which is more 
than can be said of some workers 

(3) The boss may import skilled strike-breakers 
Some union leaders will tell you that skilled men can't 
be replaced, but it is not so. The boss can get skilled 
met, -loaned" from another factory, enough to keep 
orders going and starve out the strikers. This has 
often happened. Any employer is glad to spare a few 
faW workers to help break a strike in another plant. 
pioyers know where their interests lie. 
4) The boss may hire smooth-tongued scabs to 
i the union, go on strike and then urge thc men 
J back to work. In some unions the man with the 
1 mouth can persuade the others. So all the boss 
» to do is to hire a man with a loud mouth and 
:hat he takes out a union card and goes on strike 
i he craft. For the first few days he damns the 
louder than anybody else; then he changes his 
work SayS !t ' S h ° PeteSSj and that aI! must %° back 

The boss may give the increase asked for 
this » the best way of all. If the craft is small 
icrease does not cost him much. He can usually 
it Up by speeding up the less skilled workers by 
*m the piece-rate, or by introducing a fancy 
^|us-system, where the more you work the less vou 

, 1 1 7*V mmt ]my - But what he is ™« 

I lively to do, when he gives the strikers what they ask 

t ;:;*;,; '° Tt™ mo an agreemm ° f a w or 

Tzit^LI y™*'™™> fcter. when the other 

ft union, come to stnke, this union can't quit with 

because n has a "contract- It promised the 

it ./ou!d scab and rt must keep its promise. If 

re tgth oi the working class docs not lie in 
curacy with which it can aim a pop-gun. It lies 
I! ' J' 1C ^f 1 ^ Of its heavy artillery and the mass at- 
economic field. The strength of thc em- 
• ' Jrness. The strength of the workers 
rs. The working class should conduct 
J rtru SSr , *s_ with its own best weapons. It should 
3 strong; not where it is weak. 
said that the employer does not like 
>ns. This is no longer true. The employer likes 
unions, and the more there are the better he likes them. 
He would like twenty or thirty or fifty unions in his 
shop. For he knows how to manage them. 

John D. Rockefeller likes unions? Charlie Schwab 
likes unions.^ They Have said so in public. Nearly all 
progressive ' employers nowadays like "good unions" 
conducted on "sensible, conservative lines." They like 
craft unions and '"shop unions," and any sort of 
unions which divide the working class. The only 
thing, nowadays, which makes them wild with rage is 
the idea of one big union. 

The worker will readily understand why this is so. 
U hen a general is fighting in the field, thc first thing 
lie tries to do is to divide the forces of the enemy The 
world knows how badly the Allies fared when their 
armies were commanded by three generals, fighting 
against a unified command. Think what it would have 
been like if the Allied army had been split up into 
three hundred independent regiments, each with a 
general at :'fs head. 

The "progressive" American employer does not try 
io crush the unions. He tries to divide them. "Divide 
and conquer'' is the first maxim of thc general in the 
field and the general in industry. Whenever the em- 
ployer succeeds in creating a rivalry between two 
nmons or in persuading them to act separately and 
fnr their own separate interests, he wins a victory. 

'J he workers must understand this modern strategy 
on the pan of the boss. They must realize what kind 
of n fight they are up against. It is not the old fight 
of local skirmishes. It has become a general fight 
scientific and highly organized. The employers dur- 
ing the war have learned to act together. They hold 
regular conferences at which all the employers the 
country over, decide on labor policies, and pledge mu- 
tual aid m carrying them out. The employers are fan 
coming to adopt a Unified Command and a Unified 
•Strategy. And their Unified Strategy is this: 
io welcome unions to encourage them, even to 
organize them, and then to make them weak jeal- 
ous and "tame.'-' ' 
The union lender who urges merely the online of 

a*one had die necessary skill. Profits became enor- 
mous. The cost of living almost doubled. One 
would think that the machinists could get anything 
mey asked tor under those circumstances. That their 
stem would absolutely protect them. 

But just the contrary happened. The demand for 
jncreased production brought thousands of unskilled 
workers, including women, into the trade. The 
unions xvtvc obliged to cancel their apprenticeship 
rules. Efficiency men got on the job and taught 
the unskilled io do parts of the machinists' work. 
Then they put the unskilled workers on piece rates 
that enabled them to earn more than he regular mn- 
chimsts. Soon, nearly all the machinist's trade was 
being carried on by unskilled workers, with a few 
skilled machinists to oversee them. And usually, the 
skilled overseer was getting less than the unskilled 
worker. Thc unions were obliged, for self-protec- 
tion, to take the unskilled into the unions. New rates 
were set up. The classifications for which the ma- 
chinists had struggled all these years, and which they 
rii-:\r(k(] as their protection, were discarded. Piece 
rates were established which nobody but the bosses 
could understand. And when the war came to an 
end the machinist's trade zvas no longer a trade. 

Tht> men were laid off. Which men? Why, of 
course, the high-priced skilled workmen who were the 
old and loyal members of the craft union, those who 
had spent four years at learning their trade. They 
were laid off exactly because they were skilled crafts- 
men and members of a strong craft union. If they 
strike, it will do them no good. The newcomers, 
bossed by a few skilled machinists and efficiency men, 
can carry on the work at much less than union rates. 
What has happened to the machinist's trade is hap- 
pening to most of the trades, to some gradually, to 
others rapidly. The worker's skill is no longer a 
protection to him. The bosses have learned how to 
break the unskilled into the skilled man's job. That 
fc part of their new strategy. 

The only defense the workers have against this 
strategy is the solidarity of the masses. If a few 
workers strike the bosses will know how to manage 
the situation. If all strike, the bosses arc helpless. 

The workers of the General Electric Company have 
learned their lessen. Many of them are highly skilled, 
but that will not help them always. They have 
learned that to strike successfully you must strike the 
whole plant. So when thc machinists tried to or- 
ganize thc Lynn plant last summer, they did not simp- 
ly work with the machinists. They marched through 
tt he plant with an American flag and called upon ev- 
erybody to quit. As a result there are unions in the 
Lynn plant today for the first time in its history. 

But then the General Electric workers went on strike 
and learned another lesson. They found that it was not 
enough to strike the whole plant. For the Genera! 
Continued on page 7